Review: Gödel, Escher, Bach

By Alan Go

I don't quite know how I decided that the best way to follow up Steven Pinker's epic history of violence was by picking up another 700 page mammoth, but apparently this did happen, which is why I spent the Christmas holidays trekking through Douglas Hofstadter's most famous work, Gödel, Escher, Bach: an Eternal Golden Braid. For a certain type of geek, this is as close as you can come to a sacred book, with Hofstadter as some kind of god, or at least a prophet. When mentioned online, it is referred to with reverence, as its devoted followers drown out the odd detractor, with their unrestrained praise.

That may be overdoing it a little (or a lot), but the point still stands that a fair number of people consider this book to have played a major part in their lives. Entire university courses can be based around it.

At this point, I should probably try to summarise what the book is actually about, although I confess to being slightly nervous about doing so. Whilst fairly confident that I understand its central messages, I wouldn't say that I'm certain, and it wouldn't surprise me if some subtle point has passed me by.

It is not about Kurt Gödel, M.C. Escher, and J.S. Bach, at least not centrally. Instead, the main thesis of the book concerns how meaning can arise from meaningless symbols, by using formal systems which contain tricks such as self-reference, self-replication, recursion and strange loops, and by using tools such as paradox, infinity, and isomorphism, and particularly examining how this relates to the emergence of intelligence from unintelligent neurons. Throughout the book, the works of the three geniuses in the title are used as a touchstone to which all these concepts can be linked to, showing how the same ideas are mirrored in their work, and in real life.

Review: Ill Fares the Land

By Alan Go

Something is profoundly wrong with the way we live today.

This is the opening line of the late Tony Judt’s short polemic about the crisis the Left has found itself in. Anybody who reads this and immediately begins nodding with a sincere expression will find plenty to like, and will no doubt admire the verve with which the book is written. I am sure it is a sentiment shared by many, but difficult to express with clarity; a problem to which the book tries to provide the answer.

The first chapter happens to draw largely from the last book I had read, and reprints many of the graphs from The Spirit Level in its call to reignite the fight against inequality. The message is an important one, and is referred back to frequently in the following chapters.

Judt tries to provide a brief history of the Left since the second world war, from the great enthusiasm for state planning and welfare that immediately proceeded it to the rise of individualism in the 60s, Thatcherism and Reaganism, and the decline in our belief in social democracy since then. Much of this broad brushstrokes history is told in such sweeping statements that it is easy to become sceptical of the simplicity of the narrative. In any case, I will admit to being unqualified to pronounce upon the accuracy of his account.

Is Meat Murder?

By Jack Wearing

Until recently, I hadn't given the idea of vegetarianism much serious thought. Eating meat is a widely unquestioned norm in this country, and I’ve done so all my life, as have the vast majority of people around me. Some of my friends go so far as to profess an active dislike of vegetarians, and the self-righteousness of some outspoken animal enthusiasts is admittedly off-putting (including Morrissey, even if he is one of my favourite lyricists). Consequently, I had no real motivation to examine the moral significance of eating meat. That changed when I read Practical Ethics by preference utilitarian Peter Singer, a book that forced me to consider more carefully my position on the use of animals as food.

In Practical Ethics, Singer presents a very compelling moral argument for vegetarianism. Early in the book, Singer establishes the idea of ‘the principle of equal consideration of interests’. In his words, the essence of this principle is ‘that we give equal weight in our moral deliberations to the like interests of all those affected by our actions’. The ability to feel pleasure and pain, and thus to have interests, is what makes humans equal. This view of equality justifies ideas already widely held that someone shouldn’t be discriminated against because they are of a particular race or gender, are of a particular age or intelligence, or are disabled.

The Deep-fried Mars Bar

By Rahul Robertson

Fattening. Repulsive. Or golden soft, warm, chewy wonder sticks of glory. All things you could say when describing this particular Scottish delicacy. I talk not of haggis, nor cullen skink or coq au leeky soup. I talk of that infamous sweet sickly fattening treat that is of course, the deep fried Mars bar. Invented in the Haven Chip Bar in Aberdeen in 1995, you can now find this incredibly unhealthy snack across Scotland, sold in many fish and chip shops in Glasgow, Aberdeen and other Scottish cities. 

They’re made by dipping a Mars bar in the same batter used to batter a cod or haddock, then dropping it into hot oil in a deep fat fryer for a few seconds. They come out greasy and hot, fat seeping into the brown paper bag that they’re put in before being handed over the counter. The melted chocolate often smears the inside of the bag along with the grease stains, and when they’ve been in the fryer for too long, you can see the nougat creeping out of the golden batter casing. 

Now I know that most of you will probably find this completely repulsive and my brief description will not give you any incentive to buy one. It may well do the opposite and make you never want to try one, or hear about one ever again, which actually might be a good thing because each one will increase the risk of a heart attack almost criminally considering how small it is. But I ask you to keep an open mind, the warm delicious sickly-sweet taste is almost unimaginable unless you have one, completely different from a normal mars bar or any other deep-fried snack. The crunchy batter accompanied with the soft chocolate and chewy nougat blends together like a beautiful symphony of sugar and fat. They can now be bought from a fish and chip shop in Belsize Park in North London, and I urge you to try them at least once (though more than one will almost certainly make you feel sick, and after you have one you won’t want another for a week). 

Also for those of you who are more adventurous, there does also exist the deep-fried Mars bar’s more sweet and fatty cousin, the deep-fried Creme Egg, although this is less popular and more unhealthy, so I’d suggest just sticking with the classics.

Tunisia

By Nat Maxfield

On the 17th December 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi, in protest against the confiscation of his wares by government officials and the iron-fisted rule of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, set himself on fire in a crowded marketplace in the centre of Sidi Bouzid, in central Tunisia. While the protests this sparked started in Tunisia, as soon as they spread to the larger countries in the region like Egypt and Libya, the press seemed to forget the revolution within Tunisia and the changes that were happening. So what has happened to the country within which the Arab Spring was born, and has it really managed to throw off the chains of dictatorship and state control in place before the protests?

President Ben Ali, who had controlled Tunisia since 1987 (and was described in Wikileaked cables as ‘highly corrupt’ and ‘not accepting of international or domestic criticism’), was ousted from office and fled to Saudi Arabia (he and his wife were sentenced to 35 years in prison in absentia). The former ruling party, the Rassemblement Constitutionel Démocratique (Constitutional Democratic Party) was disbanded and had its assets seized in March, and the secret police within Tunisia, Ben Ali’s go-to measure for dealing with internal dissent and protest, was abolished. Elections were held on the 23rd October, with the Islamic Ennahda Movement (a moderate conservative Islamist party) winning the largest amount of seats and eventually forming a government in December 2011. Compared to the tragic failure of attempts to move towards democracy in countries like Egypt and Bahrain, Tunisia has, politically it would seem, begun to move down the right track.

However, Tunisia still faces many issues in the months and years to come, mainly due to economic factors. Unemployment in Tunisia, one of the key factors behind the revolution, has risen from 14% to 19%, and in places like Gafsa in Southern Tunisia, it has gone up to 30%, with riots across the region. The government argues that considering $2 billion was lost during the revolution, it will take time to rebuild the Tunisian economy and lower unemployment, although its debt as compared to GDP is 40%, comparatively low compared to the 100% of the US. While these problems are arguably transitory, Tunisia faces a crisis of national identity. While in the days of Ben Ali, secularism was enforced, often violently, Tunisians are now asking themselves what role Islam should take in their new country, with a case over whether to show and distribute the film Persepolis exhibiting these tensions. However, unlike its neighbours, Tunisia seems to have progressed as a nation after its own revolution, as it is well on the way to becoming a fully-fledged democracy, in a way that no other nation in the Arab world is.

Update on Egypt

By Zachary Weiz

One would experience a culture shock if they were to go to Egypt. For Egyptians, though, day-to-day life is still fairly normal; the only difference, as my correspondent from Egypt said, is that 'the revolution is on everyone's mind'.

To a large extent, the country is in chaos. And yet, crime levels are lower than those of any other Western country. The Egyptian public is very proud that their morals and ethics alone are holding the country together. It is quite remarkable considering there's no government or police around.

In September, the mood was jubilant. By December, the people were getting angry due to the lack of progress on the political front. Last weekend, the parliamentary elections finally took place. In the complex new Egyptian political structure, there will also be a presidential election, which is due before the end of June. In the parliamentary elections, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), which is under the political wing of the Muslim Brotherhood, won between a third and a half of the seats. When combined with the fundamentalist Salifist Party, which 'strictly adheres to Shari'ah law,' they won around two thirds of the seats. The Salifists performed surprisingly well, at the expense of the liberal democratic parties championed by the West.

Thus, it looks as if the FJP will be the most influential body. However, no one is really sure what their aim is. The feeling on the street is that initially they'll be quite liberal, so as to not alienate the public. This will enable them to consolidate their power, and from there they'll be able to become more authoritarian. This is why more educated, liberal Egyptians are fearful for the future.

As for the presidential election, one of the leading candidates, Mohamed ElBaradei, dropped out of the running. Backed by the West, he won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005, having been involved in inspecting nuclear weapons for the United Nations. The absence of ElBaradei in the presidential race means there's no clear favourite for the presidency.

As for Mubarak, he remains under house arrest. Growing old, and with his health deteriorating, almost everyone in Egypt wants him to get the death penalty. This leaves the army with a dilemma; having served under Mubarak for around 40 years, they don't want to simply kill him off. At the same time, they don't want to upset the public by letting him go unpunished. As a result, they have delayed his trial. It seems as if they are hoping he dies soon from natural causes.

Libya: What happened, and why?

By Luka Vlaskilic

After the populist anti-government movements in Tunisia and Egypt, often referred to as the Arab Spring, the people of Libya took to the streets in Tripoli and Benghazi. As we saw countless times before last year, the peaceful protests were met with violence, and soon Gaddafi had a revolution on his hands. Although there were a few clashes and a few activists who spoke out in January, it was not until 15th February that the unrest and confrontation began. By 27th February the NTC (National Transition Council) was formed with the former justice minister Mustafa Abdul Jalil, as its steward.

From then until the 17th March, when the UN Resolution 1973 was passed, the Libyan rebels/freedom fighters protested and fought alone against Gaddafi. Many people still supported Gaddafi, members of his tribe and many of those in power; this led to conflicts between pro and anti Gaddafi forces. Much of the army seemed to abandon the government and Gaddafi very quickly, especially when it looked like the international community would intervene. On 19th March the NTC was no longer fighting alone, with French jets flying over Libyan Airspace. From then onwards it was a long fight for freedom, with the ‘liberation’ of Tripoli on the 22nd August and that of Libya on 23rd October. Libya’s so called ‘Arab Spring’ had ended in autumn, exactly 250 days from when the protests began. The death toll reached about 30,000 from both sides of the conflict, thousands of civilians died and although the revolution will be remembered as a victory it was paid for by the blood of its inhabitants.

Now we come to why the revolution happened. Gaddafi was once on the other end of a revolution; he ‘liberated’ Libya from King Idris and formed an Arab Republic. He pumped funds into healthcare, and promoted free education for both boys and girls. By the 1980s Libya had one of the best HDI (Human Development Index) scores in Africa, and in November 2010 was rated in the same category as Mexico, Portugal and Argentina. Yet we have seen no revolutions in these countries. What changed, you ask? Well, I think the best explanation is that the people of Libya were fed up, and after seeing the success and bravery of their neighbours in Tunisia and Egypt they decided it was their turn. Gaddafi had been oppressing his critics and in many occasions ordered their assassinations. The people of Libya wanted reform and greater freedom, and when Gaddafi responded to protest with violence his beloved people turned on him. I believe that some reforms would have reduced the support for a revolution and Gaddafi may well have still been in power on 25th January 2012.

An alternative view was put forward by Gaddafi: "They give them pills at night; they put hallucinatory pills in their drinks, their milk, their coffee, their Nescafe," he also told his poeple 'not [to] be swayed by bin Laden." But I’ll let you come to your own conclusions about why the revolution happened…

Religion of the Month: Raëlism

By Jos Bogan

Raëlism is a very unique Religion, with its headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland, said in 2007 to have about 2,300 followers. This religion is what is known as a 'UFO religion'; in short, it preaches the existence of Extraterrestrials. The Raëlian teaches that life was scientifically created by these aliens called Elohim, and that when making contact with the humans that they created (or their descendants) they were mistaken to be angels, of gods. A few of the supposed prophets of Elohim are Jesus and the Buddha. The founder of this odd new religion, Claude Vorilhon, is said to have received the Elohim’s last message, saying that they told him to pacify, and inform the world about the Elohim.

In order to become a Raëlist, one must undergo an initiation, which involves a baptism, which is performed by a guide member. It is believed that the new member's genetic code is recorded in a computer, and will be recognised in their last hour when we will be judged by these mysterious 'dark-skinned' aliens.

There are many different levels of seniority in Raëlism, going from the Level 0 trainee, to Level 6 Planetary Guide. It seems to be a very liberal Religion, and advocates pacifism and love of everyone, no matter who they are. Obviously, as to be expected, I have only scratched the surface of this interesting new religion, and although the founder does look like he might try to sexually assault you at any moment, he seems to be a nice enough man. This religion holds some very good moral values, even if its grounds are a bit questionable, so if you're even the slightest bit interested, and want to learn more, I encourage you to visit their website.

Review: The Spirit Level

By Alan Go

Confirmation bias, seeking out evidence that supports our pre-existing beliefs, is among the most pervasive of our cognitive flaws, and something worth being on constant guard for. Whilst I may find life comfortable in the liberal, secularist space of ideas I have carved out for myself, I still try to recognise the danger of reading piece after piece that I agree with.

For these reasons, I attempted to restrain my enthusiasm after finding a book subtitled Why More Equal Societies Almost Always Do Better. I have written before about my fondness for a system of Rawlsian egalitarianism, and if I had wanted a book that provided empirical support for such principles, I doubt it would have looked too different. It can’t be too often that philosophical theories end up being tested against the evidence, so I was wary of any thesis that managed to show that one of my favourite thinkers has turned out to be exactly right. It all seemed slightly too fortuitous for my liking, but I was optimistic and hopeful.

John Rawls

By Alan Go

John Rawls is often called the most important political philosopher of the 20th century, and even the most important philosopher in this field since John Stuart Mill. His name and ideas have been referenced frequently in many recent articles about the Occupy movement. If Ayn Rand has been adopted by the Tea Party as their intellectual backbone, then maybe Rawls can have a similar role to play for Occupy.

Rawls is a liberal philosopher. He believes that everybody should have access to basic rights such as freedom of speech and expression, and the right to vote and stand for political office. Presumably there is not much to disagree with here. What is exciting though, is how Rawls arrived at this principle, and the other ideas that flow from this process.

He believes in a particular form of social contract. In order to decide what conditions in society would be fair, he asks what principles citizens would be willing to agree to, were they all to start with equal bargaining power. The contract is therefore a hypothetical one, made from what he calls the original position.Rawls reasons that some people have more resources or knowledge than others. This gives people differing amounts of power in negotiations, and any agreement that emerges is likely to be unjust.

The Artist

It may be a silent, French and shot entirely in black and white but awards sensation The Artist is not a conceited film, rather one of the most entertaining films of the year. The story of silent movie star George Valentin’s (Jean Dujardin) fade into obscurity following the arrival of talking pictures is full of humour and charm and will make you leave the cinema with a smile on your face.

Though it occasionally threatens to become self-parodying it is a gloriously beautiful throwback to a golden age of cinema that even The Artist itself admits is somewhat of a fantasy. A fantasy illustrated by the large sign reading HOLLYWOODLAND above this enchanting parallel world.

The actors, John Goodman’s slightly hammy performance aside, are wonderful and the incorporation of modern technique adds to the film without detracting from the romance. Not to mention Uggie the Jack Russell who plays the role of Jack the dog with scene stealing comic ability.

If I had one bone to pick with The Artist it would be the slightly underwhelming treatment of the Great Depression, however even this just emphasizes that you should suspend your disbelief and enjoy the experience rather than search too hard for hidden meaning.

This year has seen a cinematic yearning for the past, with Woody Allen’s Midnight in Paris, and Martin Scorsese’s Hugo, both harking back to the same creative period as The Artist. Though all three are undoubtedly fine films, The Artist has a level of bravery, charm and raw entertainment that puts it a class above the rest.

As great a visual spectacle as any 3D James Cameron epic, The Artists deserves all the plaudits it will undoubtedly get.

Review: The Better Angels of Our Nature

By Alan Go

In the IGCSE English language paper, the question was posed as to what historical time period we would most like to live in, were we given the choice. For various reasons, I maintained strongly at the time that the present was mostly definitely the place to be.

I had only suspicions about an overly romanticised past to go on at the time, but now I can safely claim that I have all the empirical backing that I could need.

In Steven Pinker’s latest tome, ‘The Better Angels of our Nature’, he seeks to lay out all the evidence for the historical declines of physical violence in all its forms, encompassing everything from wars and genocides, to infanticide and spanking, before taking some time to examine the causes of these declines by delving into the worlds of neurology and psychology.

With 700 pages of text, and a further 100 of notes, the volume is an imposing one. It is hard not to be intimidated, when starting a new chapter, you look ahead and realise there are over 100 pages of information left to go through on the subject.

It is a testament to Pinker’s skill as a writer that such a hefty subject never descends into dull academic prose or incomprehensible jargon. Instead we are given sentences that flow easily, spoken with a voice that neither patronises nor simply lectures. Nothing is dumbed down either. Pinker has no hesitation in explaining concepts of proability, randomness, logarithmic scales and the like, in order to give readers all the necessary tools to understand the various graphs and patterns under examination. The comprehensibility provides no clue as to the grand scope the book is trying to capture as a whole. Were you to give any small portion to any interested layperson, they would most likely be able to read, understand and enjoy it without any great difficulty.

Review: The Goat Rodeo Sessions

By Alan Go

Yo-Yo Ma is perhaps the most famous cellist alive today, and one of the most highly awarded classical music artists, with 16 Grammies to his name. I’ve heard and enjoyed his playing for many years now, and although he is renowned for being to play many different styles of music, I never thought he would be appearing on an album like this one.

Not that it is easy to say what exactly this one is. Bluegrass probably comes closest, but there is a strong Celtic feel to some of the tracks, with others almost able to pass for classical chamber music.

This collaboration isn’t quite as unlikely as it sounds, Ma having worked with double bassist Edgar Meyer on two albums previously, and also with mandolin player Chris Thile on his Songs of Joy and Peace album. Celebrated fiddle player Stuart Duncan completes the quartet of string virtuosos, who recorded their music in James Taylor’s home studio.

What's going on in Hungary?

By Alan Go

h/t: Paul Krugman

After making ten amendments in their first year of power, the right-wing Fidesz government of Hungary, led by Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has now introduced an entirely new constitution. The word ‘republic’ has been removed from the official name of the country, but that is the least worrying change taking place. Every move from the current governing party has been heading in a disturbingly authoritarian direction, and there are deep fears for the future of a functioning, democratic Hungary.

With severe economic problems that have remained from the Soviet area, exacerbated hugely by the housing bubble and economic crisis, Hungary’s currency has been enormously volatile in recent years. Harsh austerity measures have been in place since 2007. The resentment towards the socialist party that had been governing since 2002 built up, resulting in a landslide victory for Fidesz in Spring 2010. They received 53% of the vote, which turned into a crucial 68% supermajority in the Hungarian Parliament.

The other beneficiary of the public’s discontent has been the Jobbik party, a former outsider with anti-semitic roots which even had its own paramilitary wing.

The most worrying change has been for the judiciary system, whose independence has been severely tarnished. Fidesz has been stacking the Constitutional Court with favourable judges, the age of retirement has come down, forcing many judges to retire immediately, and a single person now has sole authority to replace judges, move them to different positions, and even to decide which judge can hear each case.

Worrying new media laws have taken effect requiring an ambiguous standard of political balance. Self-censorship is already taking place, and one opposition friendly radio station was denied permission to have its license renewed. The new restrictions even apply to online media.

But perhaps the most blatant example of dictatorial behaviour concerns regulations about religion. There are 358 recognised faith groups in Hungary. Only 14 of them will be officially sanctioned. What this means for the remaining faiths, which include Islam and evangelical branches of Christianity, is not entirely clear. A two-thirds majority in Parliament will be required to have new faiths recognised. Orban seems to have made clear that he intends his country to be a Christian one. Marriage must be between a man and a woman, and all life is now protected from the moment of conception.

Interference with the Central Bank has destroyed the chance of a finanial bailout from either the IMF of the EU. Hungarian debt has been downgraded to junk status, and yields on ten year bonds are at an unsustainable 9.7%. If economic conditions stay depressed, as it is looking increasingly likely to happen, Hungary will struggle to escape from its budget deficit and other problems.

Fidesz’s popularity has dived since it came into power, and is now at less than 20%. However, the nature of the legislation they have rushed through is such that successive governments will have a hard time reversing the procedure. New electoral district boundaries have been drawn in such a way that Fidesz would have won all three of the last elections (two of which they actually lost). The terms of many official positions, including the head of the judicial office, and the head of the budget council, have been lengthened, and the people in those positions can stay in them unless new persons are agreed with a two-thirds majority. Other areas of law, such as tax policy, are also protected by this two-thirds supermajority requirement.

Although it has received considerably more attention than Syria, issues in Hungary have still failed to attract much attention from the press. International figures, including US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, have expressed concern, but the fear is that countries will be too preoccupied dealing with their own economic crises to mount any form of effective protest.